Speech by Australian Defence Minister Faulkner to the Kokoda Foundation

12:11 GMT, November 20, 2009 Australian Minister for Defence, Senator John Faulkner, on 19 November 2009:

Ladies and gentlemen, of all the responsibilities of a national government, none are greater than that the nation be safe, and the community feel safe.

Force of arms alone cannot discharge this responsibility. We must confront and confound a far more varied range of threats, and balance a far more complex range of priorities, than purely military ones.

Our world has changed, and is continuing to change at an ever more rapid rate. Traditional distinctions between foreign and domestic, national and international have been blurred by the increasing complexity and increasing interconnectedness of a world where populations are more mobile than ever in history. Individuals can cross the world in a day. Ideas can do so in a second.

Military conflict between nation states is no longer the only, or even the greatest, ‘security challenge’ we face. And the expectation of victory in a conventional war is no longer sufficient to give our citizens confidence in their safety or the safety of the nation’s interests and assets.

In a world both ‘shrunk’ by technology and warmed by climate change, we must respond to, indeed we must anticipate and try to prevent, the threats posed not only by rogue states or terrorist groups, but by more severe and more frequent extreme weather events, pandemic disease, resource shortages, large numbers of people forced from their homes by violence or disaster, cybercrime and cyber terrorism.

These are global problems.

Problems that have global causes – like climate change.

Problems that have global reach – like failed states becoming training grounds and staging posts for terrorist organisations.

They are not problems any nation can find security from in isolation.
They are not problems any one nation can address alone.

Our economies, our climate, our safety, and our citizens are connected to each other in so many complex ways that insecurity and instability in one region, failures of governance in one nation, recklessness or indifference on the part of one government, can affect us all.

No national government, working to safeguard national security, can afford to be short-sighted about international security.

And as we all must look beyond our borders to anticipate, prevent and respond to security challenges, we must also recognise that in a world of multi-dimensional dangers on a global scale, no response can be effective if pursued in isolation from friends and allies. The security of any nation and the safety of all our citizens now must depend on intelligence and diplomacy, on military power and moral suasion, on international co-operation and multinational coalitions.

But even the most prosperous and powerful nations face choices about finite resources. Even the most prosperous and powerful nations must set priorities.

As Minister for Defence, I have the responsibility to make sure the Australian Defence Organisation and the Australian Defence Force has what it needs to undertake the tasks the government and the community expect from them.

In the 2009 Defence White Paper the government has made it clear that while the principal task for the ADF is to deter and defeat armed attacks on Australia, the ADF must also be ready and able to contribute to stability and security in the South Pacific and East Timor, to military contingencies in the Asia-Pacific region and more broadly, in support of efforts by the international community to uphold global security and a rules-based international order.

Our military commitment to the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan is consistent with these aims.

Australia, the United States, and 41 other partners from the international community are in Afghanistan, as a NATO mission with a UN mandate, to assist the Afghan people in making sure Afghanistan does not again become an operating base and a training ground for terrorists, as it was under the Taliban dictatorship.

Ladies and gentlemen, the last few months have been difficult for the people of Afghanistan and the ISAF partners.

As General McChrystal has noted, ‘the situation in Afghanistan is serious; neither success nor failure can be taken for granted’.

There are real concerns that the insurgency is growing, that our momentum is slowing, and that the Taliban are gaining the upper hand.

The people of Afghanistan have endured decades of civil conflict. In a country where life expectancy is forty four, the majority of the population has been born and raised in a climate of fear. Coming from a western democracy, this is hard to comprehend.

Without confidence in the commitment of the international coalition to counter the Taliban, they have a very real fear that the Taliban will once again take control in local communities and that retribution will follow.

We must give them that confidence.

But they must have confidence not only in us. They need confidence in their own institutions of government and in their own security forces.

The international military presence cannot be a permanent one. And that is not just a consequence of the military capacity and priorities of the countries participating in ISAF. It is also, quite simply, the right of the Afghan people themselves to be responsible for security, stability and governance in their own land.

A key challenge in Afghanistan is building the capacity of the Afghan government so that transfer of responsibility can happen.

This cannot happen without a credible Afghan Government that is able to unify the Afghan people and win their trust.

On this day of the inauguration of President Karzai, the Australian Government, along with many countries around the world, now expects the Karzai Administration to provide a credible and viable Government.

Ladies and gentlemen, let me be frank. The new government will need to make substantive and early progress, particularly in fighting corruption and narco-trafficking, improving governance, strengthening Afghan security forces and delivering basic services.

These challenges are immense.

They will not be easily or quickly solved, but they must be confronted without delay.

The first major task is to counter corruption. Afghanistan has been found to be the second most corrupt country in the world by Transparency International.

It is imperative that President Karzai follow through on his commitment to crack down on corruption. It is only when solid progress has been made that the process of regaining the confidence and trust of the Afghan people and the international community will begin.

I hope the recent commitment by the Afghan Government to set up anti-corruption mechanisms will begin the process of regaining confidence and trust.

Ladies and gentlemen, it is now obviously a priority for the US and NATO to determine the way forward in response to General McChrystal’s Assessment.

President Obama is expected to announce the US response in the coming weeks. NATO is also focusing on how it can contribute to the revised strategy. NATO Secretary General Rasmussen has indicated that he is expecting a substantial commitment from NATO for more forces in Afghanistan.

But we must also remember, ladies and gentlemen, that Afghanistan’s problems cannot be solved through military means alone. The civilian effort is critical as well.

The recent and tragic attack on the UN residence in Kabul was a reminder of the dangers facing the many civilians working in Afghanistan to help bring security and stability to the country, build the institutions of governance and the infrastructure of civil life.

We welcome the pledge by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon that the attack will not deter the UN from its mission to help the Afghan people build a better future. The coordination of civilian and military efforts in Afghanistan is critical if progress is going to be made.

Ladies and gentlemen, Afghanistan remains a critically important priority for our Government.

We have recently increased Australia’s commitment and troop levels in Afghanistan by 40 per cent; an increase that is very much focused on the training and development of the Afghan National Army 4th Brigade in Oruzgan Province.

Australia has committed around 1550 troops. This includes a Mentoring and Reconstruction Task Force and the Special Operations Task Group.

The Special Operations Task Group (SOTG) is currently deployed to Oruzgan, conducting operations against Taliban insurgents. The Task Group works with the Dutch led Task-Force Oruzgan and helps provide a level of enhanced force protection to MRTF activities in the province.

We saw their work pay off just two weeks ago with a complex and highly successful operation against a known insurgent stronghold responsible for distributing Taliban arms, ammunition, equipment and fighters across Oruzgan. The operation is expected to have a direct and significant impact on the security of the civilian population, of the Afghan National Security Forces, as well as the coalition forces across southern Afghanistan.

The MRTF is focused on developing the capability of the 4th Brigade to the point where it can take over responsibility for the security of the province. We are committed to that task, and we believe that our commitment is appropriate, effective, and at about the right level.

I took advantage of recent ministerial meetings at NATO in Bratislava to discuss the work in Oruzgan with my Dutch counterpart, Defence Minister Middelkoop.

I took the opportunity, as I do now, to acknowledge our Dutch partners in Oruzgan Province – their leadership, their efforts, have delivered lasting improvements and real progress. It goes without saying that Australia’s own efforts have been heavily dependent on the very valuable support provided by our Dutch partners. The Dutch bring much to the mission, including an extensive understanding of the tribal and local governance dynamics of the region. The knowledge and skills they bring to our joint efforts would be difficult to replace.

As you know, the Dutch commitment to the lead role they play in Oruzgan extends only to August next year. A final decision on what, if any, commitment they intend to maintain after that time is yet to be made.

Australia would prefer to see the Dutch continue to work side by side with us in Oruzgan, a point I made strongly in Bratislava. Prime Minister Rudd also recently expressed similar views to his Dutch counterpart.

The decision about the Dutch contingent is, of course, in the end a matter for the Netherlands Government.

If the Dutch contingent – or elements of it – does withdraw, their replacement will be a matter for decision by NATO. I continue to urge my NATO and US counterparts to deal with this issue as a matter of urgency.

Ladies and gentlemen, earlier this month I made my first official visit to Washington as Defence Minister. I had very positive meetings with the Secretary for Defense, Bob Gates, with the National Security Adviser General Jim Jones, and with Senator John McCain, General Petraeus, and Senator Carl Levin, the chairman of the Armed Services Committee, among others.

While I do not intend to canvass the detail of those discussions, I can say that the major focus of these meetings was the situation in Afghanistan, including the implications of General McChrystal's Assessment and the US review of strategy, as well as the training of the Afghan National Army and the consequences of any possible Dutch drawdown of its commitment.

Ladies and gentlemen, the ISAF troops in Afghanistan are doing a difficult, a dangerous, sometimes a deadly job. But it is vital.

The return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan would have the most serious implications for the fight against organised terrorism and the global criminal networks that fund and support terrorist organisations.

But the consequences go further.

Ladies and gentlemen, during the troubled years of Afghanistan’s history prior to the overthrow of the Taliban, Afghan refugees were the largest refugee population in the world. At its peak, around seven and a half million had sought refuge in Afghanistan’s neighbours, Pakistan and Iran.



Since 2002, significant numbers have returned to Afghanistan. However, of the tens of millions of displaced people worldwide today, nearly 2 million are Afghan refugees in Pakistan and around a million are Afghan refugees in Iran.

Mass movements of populations are a problem for many countries, but few have been confronted with such an immense challenge as Pakistan. There, the problem is compounded by large numbers of Pakistan’s own citizens, internally displaced by recent conflict.

There is no doubt misery and insecurity make people more vulnerable to radicalisation.

In the struggle against terrorist networks, the denial of safe-havens is crucial – and not only in the South Asian Crescent. Countries where governance is weak are less able to disrupt terrorist organisations and activities within their borders. This has consequences for the international community as a whole.

And good governance can only flourish in a secure environment. This is an ongoing problem in Pakistan, as well as Afghanistan.

We have seen, in recent months, a string of very serious attacks in Pakistan, attacks that are clearly meant to intimidate the government and the people of Pakistan, who reject the agenda of these extremists, and to disrupt operations against Taliban insurgents as well as international aid efforts.

While historically, Pakistan has seen its national security very much through the lens of its relations with India, recent events, especially the Taliban attacks in Buner, a province just 100 kilometres from Islamabad, have made it clear that the extremist threats that have originated in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas are a threat to Pakistan’s very existence.

Australia, and the rest of the world, is paying very close attention to the current Pakistan Army operations. Such action is critical to our efforts to deal with extremists in Afghanistan.

Cross-border extremist networks have helped fuel the insurgency in Afghanistan, and they take an increasingly heavy toll on the people of Pakistan, as we are reminded with every new report of a suicide bombing. And they also threaten broader stability in the South Asian region – think of the terrorist attacks in Mumbai.

We are under no illusions as to the difficulty the Pakistan Government faces in disabling these networks and disrupting their activities.

In recognition of the importance of the struggle against the extremist insurgency in Pakistan, Australia is increasing defence training to 140 places making us Pakistan’s second largest overseas trainer, and a significant provider of expertise on counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency. We are also establishing defence post graduate scholarships.

This will complement the large aid and military assistance packages being provided by the United States, which will help assist development in that country.

Ladies and gentlemen, in line with the need for multidimensional approaches to multidimensional problems, Australia also plans to establish a new Australia-Pakistan Development partnership, focusing on health reform, reconstruction of the Malakand region, democratic governance and economic reform, as well as providing 100 agricultural scholarships. We will also invigorate the Australia-Pakistan Joint Trade Committee, underlining our commitment to assist on security, economic and social fronts, and we are doubling development assistance to $120 million over the next two years.

We are also closely monitoring the humanitarian situation. Australia has contributed $23 million to Pakistan in humanitarian assistance since August 2008.

It is in Australia’s interest, in our region’s interest, and in the international community’s interest, for all of us to give Pakistan as much support as we can. The implications of instability and an extremist insurgency are serious. Pakistan’s nuclear status makes these implications all the more troubling.

Ladies and gentlemen, historically concerns about nuclear weapons have centred on the possibility of their use by states.

Australia has a strong commitment to strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime and achieving progress towards the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. We have been very active and committed participants in international efforts to work towards this end.

It is now impossible to disregard the concern that nuclear weapons might fall into the hands of terrorists. This not only underlines the importance of working towards a world without such weapons, but it also underlines the need to secure currently existing weapons of mass destruction and the materials used to produce them.

The Pakistan Government understands the danger of extremists acquiring nuclear weapons and has dedicated forces protecting their facilities. Pakistan is a member of the global initiative to combat nuclear terrorism.

We encourage Pakistan to continue efforts to strengthen the protection and control of weapons of mass destruction and sensitive materials and technology.

Also in the South Asian Crescent, Australia remains deeply concerned about the nature and intent of Iran’s nuclear program, and of course we are not the only member of the international community to have such concerns.

Reports from the International Atomic Energy Agency, the IAEA, have consistently shown that Iran has not taken the actions required to assure the international community that its nuclear activities are for exclusively peaceful purposes.

Iran has not suspended all uranium enrichment and related activities as required by the UN Security Council or cooperated with the IAEA to resolve serious concerns about possible military dimensions to its nuclear activities.

We believe that Iran should immediately suspend all nuclear enrichment activities, as required by four UN Security Council resolutions, and it should co-operate fully with the International Atomic Energy Agency.

I understand there are reports today that Iran has rejected the proposal to send low-enriched uranium abroad for further processing and then use in the Tehran Research reactor. The Australian Government strongly encourages Iran to reconsider its position and accept the proposal brokered by IAEA Director General El Baradei and already agreed to by the United States, Russia and France. We agree with the Director General’s assessment that this represents a unique opportunity for Iran to reverse course from confrontation to cooperation.

Ladies and gentlemen, the security challenges of the South Asian Crescent are unquestionably complex. Many aspects cross borders, even extend far beyond the region. There is no single, simple approach or solution.

Many members of the international community work with each other, and with the people and the governments of the region, in the struggle to address those challenges. Together, we make up a diverse and multinational group, but our interests align, despite sometimes differing approaches or ideas.

We are there, ultimately, because our governments share with each other the responsibility to protect our nations’ people, assets and interests.

And because our citizens share with each other, and with the people of the region, the simple and common hope to live in peace and safety; and to see a world in which our children can do the same.

When H.V. “Doc” Evatt, Australian Foreign Minister and President of the United Nations General Assembly in 1948, wrote the words ‘peace is not divisible’ in the margin of a draft speech in 1950, he was making a moral argument.

Today, we know all too keenly that it is also a statement of cold, hard fact.